Sunday, January 26, 2020

The European powers

The European powers Abstract Being unified late in the 19th century it was difficult for Italy to establish itself amongst the other European powers. Therefore, one can view the indecisiveness of the Italians on where their national interests lie, as an act of opportunism because since its unification Italy had no particular loyalty to any group of powers except that group from which it could benefit most. This assignment gives prominence to this factor and also delves into detail in Italys policy during the Cold War (mainly resting on two main pillars: NATO and the EU). The Post Cold War period is also covered with special emphasis on the governments of Berlusconi and Romano Prodi. Introduction In 1858-9 the Kingdom of Piedmont was allied with France against Austria in order to achieve Lombardy. Seven years later it fought side by side with Bismarcks Prussia in the Austro-Prussian War. Four years later it stayed neutral in the Franco-Prussian War which was eventually won by Prussia. The road to Italian Unification in itself shows that the Italians had no particular loyalty to any power. The shifts in alliances were quite common for Italians as long as they were sure that they were getting the maximum benefit from them[1]. In the course of the Risorgimento the keystone of Piedmontese foreign policy had been friendship with France and Britain. When France was defeated by Prussia after 1870 it was not useful anymore. In fact, the Italians started even regarding it as a hostile country especially after the French conquered Tunisia in 1881 (a country which the Italians had been aiming to conquer themselves)[2]. Although they had claims on Austrian Territories such as South Tyrol, Istria and Dalmatia; the Italians still joined the Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria in 1882. Joining an arch-rival like Austria-Hungary was certainly a piece of real politick. In fact this move wasnt really popular with many Italian nationalists who preferred having France rather than Austria-Hungary in an alliance. In fact, after the fall of the anti-French Crispi, Italian foreign policy started moving closer towards France[3]. In WW1, Italy did a remarkable piece of political opportunism when it first concluded an agreement with France in 1914, and then joined France and Britain in the war, thus betraying the Triple Alliance of which it had been part of for more than a generation[4]. The end of WW1 brought a lot of dissatisfaction amongst the Italians. The Versailles Settlement barely gave any territory which the Italians had hoped for. This was one of the main factors which led to the rise of Mussolini who advocated a revisionist policy towards this settlement. Mussolinis active foreign policy proved to be a headache for France and Britain which had their own empires to take care of. Mussolini regarded the Mediterranean as Mare Nostrum (while both France and Britain had interest in it) and was for expansion in the Balkans and Africa, despite Woodrow Wilsons insistence on self-determination[5]. Mussolinis ambitions did not stop France, Britain and Italy to sign the Stresa Pact mainly aimed against Germany (1935). Yet, when in the Abyssinian crisis France and Britain imposed sanctions on Italy, Mussolini immediately made a U-turn in Italian foreign policy and joined Hitler in what is famously known as the Pact of Steel (1939)[6]. This eventually led to Italy joining Germany in WW2. The Years of the Cold War In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War it was clear that the allied forces presence in Italy would have a great effect on Italian Politics; they would not think twice to intervene in cases of serious civil disorder[7]. The uninterrupted predominance of the Christian Democratic Party after the war made Italy an original and unquestioned member of NATO and the EC[8]. Another important field of interest on the international scene were those areas involving a geopolitical and economic interest; like the Balkans, the Mediterranean and certain Arab countries. Yet, Italy was in a very difficult position in this period of time because it was regarded as a defeated state. Its foreign policy had to practically start from scratch[9]. Italy was one of the first countries to ask and benefit from Marshall Aid to avoid the rising power of the communists. In fact, when the government formed in 1947, the Socialists and the Communists were excluded. Marshall Aid was one step forward towards a completely original aspect in Italys foreign policy history: a closer relationship to America. This relationship was sealed in 1949 when Italy joined NATO, therefore achieving an international warranty for De Gasperis government leadership[10]. According to Sergio Romano: LItalia non era nella NATO per prepararsi con gli alleati alleventualita` di una Guerra possible, ma per due obiettivi con cui aveva dimestichezza sin dagli anni della Triplice Alleanza: evitare i rischi dellisolamento e sfruttare lo stallo per intrattenere con lavversario i migliori rapport possible[11]. For Paolo Tripodi, the first pillar of Italian foreign policy during the cold war was the USA[12]. In fact, till late 1980s Italy always followed NATO faithfully. However, one must not forget the other fundamental aspect of Italian international affairs: Europe. In fact, Italy had a shared vision internationally which pointed to a mutual reinforcement of the two guidelines: The more the Atlantic link was emphasized, the more European integration would have progressed and vice-versa[13]. The Marshall Aid was not enough to sustain Italy; it needed a wider market to consolidate its economy. Here one can also mention the federalism of Altiero Spinelli, whose figure was an indicator of the great Europeanism fervour that existed in the Peninsula at the time[14]. At this point the left wing parties too accepted NATO and EEC membership. Being part of the EEC (and later the EU) undoubtedly helped to transform the country from peasant backwardness into industrial dynamism, a transformation in which it overtook Britain in terms of income per person and could proudly take its seat at the G7 table of rich economies[15]. Until the beginning of the 1980s the membership of the EC was considered as complimentary to the alliance with the USA and to NATO. This perception wasnt always accurate and in the 1960s, Italy moved away from Gaullist France as it regarded a breach of harmony in the Transatlantic Relationship as a threat to the foundation of Italian foreign policy[16]. After 1945, Italy kept a low profile foreign policy in the Mediterranean since they didnt want to cause tension with the other powers in the region (including the USA which had the biggest fleet in the sea). It only started making its first real moves after the 1973 oil crisis where it established relations with Libya and Algeria. In the 1980s, Italy also established relations with the PLO and other 3rd World Countries[17]. This section of the assignment showed that Italy had a new dilemma in its foreign policy. USA and the EU might have been allied, but their interests didnt always intertwine and this became very evident in the post Cold War period. In my opinion, although it had quite a fundamental role in European affairs, Italy tended to give its relationship with USA more importance than Europe. This scenario comes out more clearly in recent years under the Berlusconi leadership and even to a certain extent under Romano Prodi. The Post Cold War Policy The end of the Cold War meant that the geopolitical importance of Italy was now limited in NATO. The new international situation required a greater Italian engagement especially in the military department. However, Italy needed stability within its domestic affairs to carry out a more active foreign policy. The 1990s were far from stable; it was only in the beginning of the 21st century that domestic stability was achieved under Berlusconi[18]. The term continuity was used for the foreign policy of Italy during the Cold War because it rarely took independent bold action and usually followed the EU and NATO faithfully. Since the end of the Cold War, Italy began to take a more active approach in its foreign and security policy which it conceptualised and upheld in terms of pursuit of national interests[19]. This indicates that during the Cold War Italy gave more importance to NATO sometimes even above its national interests. This can be due to fear of offending the U.S. which was its main ally against a hostile communist east. The end of the Cold War meant that Italy had to reconsider its role within NATO. This is because first of all NATOs role automatically weakened with the fall of the USSR. Another factor was that disagreements within the alliance would be more likely to arise; and the third factor was that in case of major disagreement between USA and the EU Allies, the latter wouldnt have the ability to act on its own[20]. Professor Osvaldo Croci explains how Italy revised its traditional role as a security consuming country and embarked on an effort to become a security producing country as well[21]. Italian governments in the 1990s and even in 2000s pursued a number of policies aimed at reinforcing and functionally linking the different multilateral organizations of which the country was member of: primarily the UN, the EU and NATO[22]. For example Italy fully supported the development of a European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) but, unlike France, it regarded its development as complimentary and not as an alternative to NATO. The victory of the centre-right coalition (Casa Della Liberta`) in 2001 made EU members apprehensive about the foreign policy this government was expected to adopt. This political faction was known for the lukewarm attitude it had towards the EU. In fact, as The Economist rightly pointed out, the EU still had plenty to offer to Italy but both the EU and Italy had changed and what was good for the EU was not always good for Italy. That was what the new centre-right coalition set out to do in 2001: to question some EU policies and to assert Italys national interest more forcefully[23]. Nevertheless, the two main pillars in Italys foreign policy remained NATO and the EU. The accusations that Italy had embarked on a Europe-sceptic path were exaggerated because Berlusconi only brought change in the tone and style of Italys foreign policy but not in its substance[24]. It was the resignation of foreign minister Mr Ruggiero, who was known for his pro-EU agenda that worried most EU Countries. Lega Nord leader Umberto Bossi showed no particular enthusiasm to the EU. He even referred to it as the new Soviet Union. The EURO was even greeted with indifference by the Italian government[25]. As a successful tycoon, Berlusconi was both European and Internationalist in his outlook[26]. In his electoral victory speech he claimed: We are proud to be part of Europe. We are proud of the special relationship we have with the United States. We will work attentively in the next few months and years to develop those relations even more[27]. Berlusconi was practically stressing continuity in Italys foreign policy. According to Ignazi, the only announced change was a more assertive international presence flanked by a new modus operandi centred round personal and direct contacts[28]. One such contact was certainly Russias Vladimir Putin. A meeting was carried out by the Italian government in Practica di Mare. The aim was to celebrate the partnership between NATO and Russia. This meeting showed the great respect Berlusconi had towards Russia. Berlusconi even went to the extent of defending Putins policy in Chechnya[29] (a policy which had raised international concern). Under Berlusconi, the transatlantic relationship became the focal point of Italian foreign policy. The proof of this were the number of statements in support of the U.S. foreign policy, especially in Afghanistan and the Iraqi crisis[30]. Despite the domestic opposition to the Iraqi War, Berlusconi made sure that Italy participated actively even militarily. Sergio Romano points out that lopposozione e una parte della opinion pubblica hanno accusato il governo Berlusconi di essere succube degli americani[31]. Though in official declarations Italy always followed the Europhile line; when war in Iraq broke out and created a division between USA with UK against France and Germany. Berlusconi supported the U.S. Even though as pointed above the war was opposed by many influential groups including the Catholic Church, when war was formally declared Berlusconi sent troops, even if they marched under a humanitarian disguise[32]. Therefore America was preferred over maintaining the preferential channel with Arab countries and also over the EU (keeping in mind the Franco-German opposition to the war)[33]. The newly elected Prodi Government in 2006 hoped to bring the country back onto the centre stage of EU politics. Berlusconi had never considered the EU a high priority and he preferred flirting with other top international leaders instead. In his few years in office Prodi worked for a more balanced transatlantic relationship coupled with a transformation of the EU into a fully autonomous international actor. This idea resembled Chiracs idea of multipolarism[34]. Berlusconi was certainly in favour of enlargement; in fact, he went as far as to pronounce himself in favour of the accession of both Israel and Russia. This reflected his vision of the EU more as a common economic space than as a political entity. On the other hand Prodi sought to strengthen the EU institutions before the actual enlargement[35]. President Bush lost a great ally when Berlusconi lost the election in 2006. In fact, before the election Bush had made certain statements that came very close to an open endorsement of Berlusconis re-election. These statements were regarded by a commentator as a blatant interference in Italys domestic affairs[36]. Yet, in reality Bush had little to worry from Prodi, as, once elected, Il Professore made it clear that he wished to enter into close dialogue and consultation with USA concerning Italys military presence in Iraq and Afghanistan. Prodi even defended Italys military presence in Afghanistan: The goal of our presence in Afghanistan is to consolidate the countrys young democratic institutions our soldiers bring a culture of dialogue and help, not of clashes.[37] In 2008, Berlusconi was at Italys helm again. This time accusations of corruption and his attempts to silence criticism from the press, cast new doubts over Italys international credentials. Berlusconi is currently accused of taking a personal approach to Italys foreign relations. He strengthened certain aspects of Italian relations but weakened Italys EU credentials; even though Italy supported both the EU Constitutional Treaty and the Lisbon Treaty vigorously. Berlusconis friendship with Russia and understanding with Libya can be regarded as a structural realist approach to Italys foreign relations[38]. Conclusion In a book he wrote, Italian foreign minister Frattini argued that the present Italian foreign policy is grafted into a long tradition of continuity and that its only novelty is its activism[39]. In my opinion he couldnt have hit the mark more accurately than that. Since 1861 Italian governments endeavoured to win recognition at the table of the Great Powers, searching for legitimization through various international coalitions and alliances. Since the end of the Cold War Italys international profile has been raised considerably; but do the Italians know where their national interests really lie? For years this question has echoed the Italian international policy. History shows that Italy tends to support anything that it thinks will benefit her (like it did in both World Wars). In recent times the dilemma has been more between the EU and the U.S. And in my opinion, the last decade has consolidated the factor that Italy tends to be closer to the U.S. than to the EU in its foreign poli cy. References Absalom Roger, Italy since 1800: A Nation in the Balance?, London, Longman Group Ltd, 1995. Calvocoressi Peter, World Politics since 1945, England, Pearson Education Ltd, 2009 Croci Osvaldo (2002), The Second Berlusconi Government and Italian Foreign Policy, The International Spectator, available: www.iai.it/pdf/articles/croci.pdf (accessed: 20th December 2009). Greco Ettore (2006), The Foreign Policy of the New Prodi Government, The Brookings Institution, available: http://www.brookings.edu/papers/2006/08europe_greco.aspx (accessed 23rd December 2009). Ignazi Piero , Italian foreign policy since 2001: a preliminary assessment, available: foreignpolicy.it/file_adon/ignazi_edit_2.doc (accessed 20th December 2009). Kissinger Henry, Diplomacy, New York, Simon Schuster Paperbacks, 1994. Miller Stuart T., Mastering Modern European History, New York, Palgrave Master Series, 1997. Morris Terry and Murphy Derrick, Europe 1870-1991, London, Harper Collins Publishers Ltd, 2006, p. 262 Romano Sergio, Guida alla Politica Estera Italiana: Da Badoglio a Berlusconi, Milan, BUR Saggi, 2004. Ratti Luca (2009), Italian Foreign Policy in the Second Republic: new wine in old bottles?, available: www.e-ir.info/?p=2523article2pdf=1 (accessed 20th December 2009). The Economist (2002), Berlusconi strikes out, available: http://www.economist.com/opinion/PrinterFriendly.cfm?story_id=930034 (accessed 20th December 2009). Sanminiatelli Maria (2007), Prodi Defends Italys Foreign Policies, The Washington Post, available: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/02/27/AR2007022700884.html (accessed 23rd December 2009). Tripodi Paolo (1996), A half-century of Italian foreign policy, available: http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2242/is_n1568_v269/ai_18826921/ (accessed 13th December 2009) Stuart T Miller, Mastering Modern European History, New York, Palgrave Master Series, 1997, p. 50 Terry Morris and Derrick Murphy, Europe 1870-1991, London, Harper Collins Publishers Ltd, 2006, p. 262 Miller, op.cit., pp. 214-217 Morris, op.cit., p. 263 Ibid., p. 276 Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, New York, Simon Schuster Paperbacks, 1994, p. 299 Roger Absalom, Italy since 1800: A Nation in the Balance?, London, Longman Group Ltd, 1995, pp. 161-165 Peter Calvocoressi, World Politics since 1945, England, Pearson Education Ltd, 2009, p. 206 Paolo Tripodi (1996), A half-century of Italian foreign policy, available: http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2242/is_n1568_v269/ai_18826921/ (accessed 13th December 2009) Ibid. Sergio Romano, Guida alla Politica Estera Italiana: Da Badoglio a Berlusconi, Milan, BUR Saggi, 2004, p. 240 Tripodi, op.cit. Piero Ignazi, Italian foreign policy since 2001: a preliminary assessment, available: foreignpolicy.it/file_adon/ignazi_edit_2.doc (accessed 20th December 2009) Tripodi, op.cit The Economist (2002), Berlusconi strikes out, available: http://www.economist.com/opinion/PrinterFriendly.cfm?story_id=930034 (accessed 20th December 2009). Ignazi, op.cit. Tripodi, op.cit. Ibid. Osvaldo Croci (2002), The Second Berlusconi Government and Italian Foreign Policy, The International Spectator, available: www.iai.it/pdf/articles/croci.pdf (accessed: 20th December 2009). Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. The Economist, op.cit. Croci, op.cit. Ignazi, op.cit. Calvocoressi, op.cit., p. 211 Croci, op.cit. Ignazi, op.cit. Ibid. Ibid. Romano, op.cit., p. 4 Ignazi, op.cit. Ibid. Ettore Greco (2006), The Foreign Policy of the New Prodi Government, The Brookings Institution, available: http://www.brookings.edu/papers/2006/08europe_greco.aspx (accessed 23rd December 2009). Ibid. Ibid. Maria Sanminiatelli (2007), Prodi Defends Italys Foreign Policies, The Washington Post, available: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/02/27/AR2007022700884.html (accessed 23rd December 2009). Luca Ratti (2009), Italian Foreign Policy in the Second Republic: new wine in old bottles?, available: www.e-ir.info/?p=2523article2pdf=1 (accessed 20th December 2009). Ignazi, op.cit.

Saturday, January 18, 2020

Declining Birthrate Singapore

After Independence in 1965, the population of the country was growing at a rate that would seriously threaten the success of Singapore. The Government introduced the â€Å"Stop at two† policy to help control the rapid population growth. It was introduced in 1969. The policy had a very successful response; in fact, it was so successful that the population started to decline. Couples saw the benefits in having a smaller family, such as more money, higher quality of life and cars. The population increase stayed low. Women started to pursue careers before having children.With a rise in University graduated women failing to marry and bear children, the policy â€Å"three or more, if you can afford it† was introduced because the Singaporean government saw this as a social problem. It was introduced in 1986. The policy has been described as ‘population rejuvenation'. Its goal was to address the ageing of Singapore, which was threatening the country's quality of life. It was quite effective at first but despite the government's slew of measures including longer maternity leave and cash incentives, the Total Fertility Rate plummeted from 1. 6 in 2000 to 1. 3 last year. This is a far cry from the 2. 1 needed for the population to replace itself. Families are having less children due to the following reasons: High cost of living, insecurity of jobs, high cost and burden of educating the child, no fun for children to take the pressure of childhood. Low birth rates means that the government will continue to be more liberal in allowing foreigners to come here as PRs or citizens. And, unlike the times of our forefathers, Singapore today is unlikely to allow the naturalization the peasant, the construction worker or the cleaning lady.The Singapore government wants talents, or in the absence of talent, rich people. The natural result is that native Singaporeans get squeezed in the job markets and the housing markets. Young Singaporeans like myself are now sq ueezed particularly hard in the housing markets because these PRs or new citizens come in either not knowing the local real estate market or having too much cash to burn, start offering high prices for property, driving property prices upwards. As for the employment landscape, that doesn’t need much explaining; it’s a demand and supply problem.I think that the Government should promote more of the benefits of having children – joy and laughters of the children through different media (T. V. , radio, internet etc. ). The more the Government emphasises on the family life and support the birth rate, it will help to increase the birth rate. There should be more television shows about families. The mindset of parents is important. When we think of raising children is very expensive, it will not encourage us to have children. The joy of having children cannot be measured by the cost or spending on the children.We need to see beyond the money cost of having children as children are the bundle of joy and gift from God. Companies should not be bias on employing pregnant women and the government should change the policy again to state that as long as a woman is pregnant, the company that terminal her should pay up the four months maternity leave instead of the current one that states it’s only liable if it’s 6 months form due dates. A declining fertility rate also affects the social structure of a nation. As less and less people are having families, social networks are affected and support within the family unit changes.Where previously children may have provided a support network for their parents, in many cases, older, childless Singaporeans may turn to the government to assist in providing this network. With an increase in the number of one to two person households with steady income which is often relatively high, standards of living increase for these households, where standards for families with dependants may struggle to keep up . This will then lead to even further decreases in birth rates as couples postpone having a family based on their financial circumstances. It’s not just the jobs and ever rising property prices.Later on, the kids of native Singaporeans are going to face fiercer competition for good Singaporean schools. Parents will have to end up forking more money for tuition classes and other enrichment classes to improve the odds of their kids getting into a good school. The PRs and new citizens will probably do the same thing too, so the only winners will be tuition teachers. Encourage companies to let women work from home. A change of mindset from the work force is very much needed for families to want to have more children. More children equals more money needed, especially in the country like Singapore.Stay home mom wants to stay home to take good care of kids and they also want to stay economically. Nobody is going to take care of the kids, nurture them, giving them a good solid found ation if all moms go out to work. Right now parents get the following: A cash gift of $3,000 each for 1st and 2nd child, a cash gift of $6,000 each for 3rd and 4th child, 2nd to 4th children will also enjoy government contributions in the form of a dollar-for-dollar matching for the amount of savings you contribute to your child’s Children Development Account (CDA).This is a special savings account that you open at any POSB branch. You can save in the CDA any time until the day before the child’s 6th birthday. The savings will be matched up to the cap of $6,000 for the 2nd child and $12,000 each for the 3rd and 4th child. Another significant effect of a declining birth rate is a reduced workforce which can equal decreased productivity for a nation. A decrease in the size of the workforce will reduce the capacity of the economy to maintain rates of output growth which in turn puts pressure on the existing workforce to increase productivity and performance.A smaller work force also means a smaller tax base which in turn can place further pressure on the social security system; less people of working age means less revenue collected by the government in taxes to support a proportionately large aged population. Each of these effects – a negative workplace dependency ratio and a reduced workforce – points to the growth of the aged population. A falling fertility rate accompanied by increasing longevity and a low aged mortality means that the proportion of older groups in society is growing.This is a widely publicised issue in most developed countries and can have significant impact on the economy and social support systems. As the aged population increases, so too does the need for increased spending on areas such as aged care, health and income support, especially in societies where the working age population is not encouraged to prepare or save for their retirement. This can prove to be a significant drain on resources and the general e conomy. As the population aged 65 and over increases in size, associated social expenditures on income support, care and health services can be expected to increase. months maternity leave for mum, 3 days of paternity leave on the birth of your first four children. 5 days of unrecorded childcare leave, must be substantiated by the child's MC. Maid levy reduction of $95 if you have kids under 12. And since the birth rates are falling so drastically, the government should redouble their efforts by doubling everything that they are doing right now. We could follow the Swede way to generate children. First, all parents get 13 months of leave, and continue to receive 80 per cent of their pay – with the cost borne by both the state and employers.On top of this, they can opt for another three months, though they will get just $40 a day during this time. Second, they get tiered child allowances – from 105 euros (S$225) a month for the first child, to 190 euros for the fourth c hild. Thirdly, childcare is â€Å"very affordable†, capped at $30 a month. In contrast, childcare costs here average $670 a month. In fact more childcare centres should be built around office areas so mothers or fathers can look after them more easily instead of hiring a maid which will make them more dependent on maids and miss out family bonding with their children.Free (or even more greatly subsidised) post-secondary education for the third and fourth children; Free (or even more greatly subsidised) medical care for the third and fourth children, up to a certain age or ceiling. Nominal or token pension for parents (or for at least the one parent who has given up his or her job to care for children full time) with more than two children upon statutory retirement age; and more significant tax reliefs for working couples who have, in addition to more than two children, aged parents.The Baby Bonus was definitely a step in the right direction, as evinced by a slight increase in birth rates in recent years. Putting additional measures such as these suggestions in place will go even further towards alleviating some of the pressures and insecurities couples face in deciding whether to have more children. The government should sponsor another matchmaking effort through a Social Development Unit, like a few years back. The aim, to ‘romance Singapore'. It had a month-long festival in the Valentine’s period was introduced to try to bring people together.Other measures included rock climbing for couples, a love boat river race, and a vertical marathon called ‘lovers’ challenge' etc. New laws should be enacted to prevent employers from dismissing women because of marriage, pregnancy or childbirth. This should help push up the birth rate, as more women are going to be able to marry, have children and keep earning money. A good way to get Singaporeans to produce more babies is to improve gender equality, and how can we support more active f athering?The â€Å"Dads for Life† national campaign is a commendable initiative of the National Family Council and a step in the right direction. Traditional gender roles not only deprive men of the opportunity to play an active role in their children’s lives but create an imbalanced environment where women are discouraged from having more kids. I am quite sure that these measures if implemented can improve our situation on the declining birthrates. Monetary incentives, tax incentives, more maternity leave, paternity leave, and the other solutions.

Friday, January 10, 2020

Cottle India

Cattle should focus on rural and semi-rural areas as their mall battlefield. Situation Analysis: Strength: 1 . Cattle providing superior quality products with high reputation In the market. 2. At has a strong market position and brand Image due to Its advancement In technology and Innovation. 3. TTS toothbrush product line Is extremely competitive, which It has Invested in growing It toothbrush manufacturing capacity and Improving productivity. They product mix can be adjusted to meet demand without relying on the expensive and risky import process. 4.Only providers of the Battery operated toothbrushes, biggest advantage capture share in market in future. Weakness: 1. Director Patella did not see value in building relationship with seed distributors and small-store owners. 2. Its communication is very weak in rural areas. Opportunity: 1 . India people lack knowledge and understand about Cattle Tailor's product and its effects. 2. Its product are not more popular in rural areas and se mi urban area, so it has change to expand its business and product awareness in rural area with help of increase percentages advertising and promotions.Threats:l . Other two strong competitors (Hand-Dalton and Sardinia) have a good reputation in markets and Cattle has threats to be captured its market share. Positioning Analysis: Good positioning strategy leads good marketing strategy, and improve customer knowledge and attracts them to purchase the product. Positioning creates an image for the product based on its customers. Image can be created by UP. Product:Analysis which product(low end, mid-range and battery-operated) offers the customer value, and If not, then how to do they change their product to meet customer needs and satisfaction.

Thursday, January 2, 2020

Death By Edgar Allan Poe - 975 Words

Death is an inevitable event that will occur in a life. When, how, and where are the beginnings of questions posed about the topic, and the fear of not knowing this leads it to be a taboo subject in many discussions. Edgar Allan Poe defied this sense of taboo and wrote many works centering on the topic of death. It is Edgar Allan Poe’s discussion of death in his works that reveals the innate human perversion of the discussion of death. The reason for his discussion of death may find roots in his personal life. Poe was born into a traveling family in 1809 and had two other siblings. His parents tragically lost their lives three years later and he had to live with a foster family, separated from his two siblings, who went to live with other families. In the home of Mr. and Mrs. Allan, Poe worked for his foster parents until 1926, when he decided to attend the University of Virginia at Richmond. His troubles began here because he lived in poverty due to inadequate education funds from his foster parents, and eventually returned home to begin his writing career. To worsen his state of being, Poe found his fiancà ©e was seeing another man, and had lost interest in him. Disheveled by events, Poe set out to become a great poet, but not before he would be riddled with more grief. Shortly after leaving the Allan home, Poe received word Mrs. Allan, the closest thing he had to a mother, had died. He published yet another book of poetry after her death, but after a few months he learnedShow MoreRelatedThe Death Of Edgar Allan Poe1490 Words   |  6 PagesThis essay is about Edgar Allan Poe and how is often disturbing stories and poems were a direct reflection of the chaotic and sad filled life. Poe had many people in his life die around him and this was the reason for his fascination and some say obsession with â€Å"death.† Of course, Poe is most famous for writing many stories and mysteries that centered on murder, suicide, and overall macabre themes. Man y people throughout time have been astonished by his many writings calling them â€Å"stories writtenRead MoreThe Death Of Edgar Allan Poe877 Words   |  4 PagesNevermore The boundaries which divide Life from Death are at best shadowy and vague. Who shall say where the one ends, and where the other begins? ~Edgar Allan Poe Throughout the history of our nation, few events have captivated the attention of its people quite like the death of literary legend, Edgar Allan Poe. His death contains a certain element of mystery and macabre that would seem most befitting of one of his own stories. But while people to this day still clamor to understand how the belovedRead MoreThe Death Of The Red Death By Edgar Allan Poe1351 Words   |  6 PagesDeath is inescapable; status does not give someone the opportunity to escape death. Prospero and his friends thought that since they hid in a castle, they wouldn’t have to face death, but that wasn’t the case. In â€Å"Masque of the Red Death,† Edgar Allan Poe establishes the struggle of power through the conflict between Prince Prospero and the narrator, death himself, to illustrate that death befalls all. Prince Prospero spends most of his time hiding in his castle, trying to escape death. Most ofRead MoreThe Death Of The Red Death By Edgar Allan Poe1633 Words   |  7 Pages Prince Prospero in Masque of the Red Death written by Edgar Allan Poe is a Prince of his kingdom who escapes and eludes the Red Death sweeping throughout his kingdom killing all it comes into contact with. Prospero s fight or flight reaction, a built in mechanism inside all humans and his reaction to fear of his own death ultimately lead to his downfall and instead of keeping him alive prove unable to beat the elutable and all mighty red death. Picture a scenario where you are put to the testRead MoreA Pattern Of Death And Rebellion By Edgar Allan Poe1242 Words   |  5 Pagesintellectually disabled. Throughout the course of Edgar Allan Poe’s life, we have a great illustration of how such aspects of life mentioned above can have an effect on an individual along with those involved. Within the life of Poe, a pattern of death and rebellion is compared in his literary works that concludes the reasoning behind his progressive mental state caused by loss rather than simply giving a psychological illness the blame. As a result from the death of Poe’s mother caused by tuberculosis (calledRead MoreDeath in Masque of the Red Death by Edgar Allan Poe984 Words   |  4 PagesMasque of the Red Death by Edgar Allan Poe In the short story â€Å"Masque of the Red Death† By: Edgar Allen Poe he delivers the theme of age old inevitability of death and futility of trying to escape death, the setting of his story is based during a time when the bubonic â€Å"black† plague took over Europe. The black plague was a bacterium that survived in rats and rodents, human beings became infected when they got bitten by the fleas that lived on these rodents and rats; you knew you had gottenRead MoreThe Captivating Life and Death of Edgar Allan Poe1279 Words   |  6 Pages Edgar Allan Poe, an often misinterpreted literary mastermind known predominantly by his extraordinary tales of horror, the supernatural, forbidden love, madness, and mystery, is more than meets the eye. Though his genres of expertise may indicate otherwise, Poe was a very social person, having been raised as a gentleman, and he had more hands on military experience than any other major American author in history. As a writer, Poe gained a great deal of his inspiration from his surroundings. HisRead MoreEssay on Edgar Allan Poe- Theme of Death1061 Words   |  5 Pagesï » ¿English 9 Honors- Period 7 Edgar Allan Poe Picture this. The father of modern crime and detective stories, known as Edgar Allan Poe, is sitting down about to write a beautiful piece of writing and BAM! He whisks away into a story of love, death, and just plain out horror; either characters are losing someone near and dear to their hearts or they are plotting to kill. Edgar Allan Poe, at a very young age, lost both of his parents, and later on in life, lost his wife to tuberculosis, so in one wayRead MoreThe Masque Of The Red Death By Edgar Allan Poe1769 Words   |  8 Pagesused, most people think of it as an action performed in solitude. It brings to mind an empty space in which one person resides, far from all others. However, isolation does not always occur in a singular sense. In â€Å"The Masque of the Red Death† by Edgar Allan Poe, isolation is used by a large population as a means of safety. In â€Å"The Thing Around Your Neck† by Chimananda Ngozi Adichie, isolation occurs among crowds of people and even in the company of someone close to one’s heart. In both aspects,Read MoreSymbolism Of The Red Death By Edgar Allan Poe1500 Words   |  6 PagesIn â€Å"Mask of the Red Death†, Edgar Allan Poe uses setting and symbolism to deliver the theme that no one escapes death. The story follows the naà ¯ve and pompous Prince Prospero, and his feeble attempt to escape dying from the Black Plague. As the plague spread through his kingdom, the prince called one thousand of his closest friends to reside within the safety of the castle in order to seclude themselves from the horror and death going on outside. During the last months of their seclusion, the prince